MOUNT KINABALU-RANAU SABAH

MOUNT KINABALU-RANAU


Mount Kinabalu (Malay: Gunung Kinabalu) is a prominent mountain on the island of Borneo in Southeast Asia. It is located in the East Malaysian state of Sabah and is protected as Kinabalu National Park, a World Heritage Site. Kinabalu is the highest peak in Borneo's Crocker Range and is the highest mountain in the Malay Archipelago.[1] Mount Kinabalu is also the 20th most prominent mountain in the world bytopographic prominence.
In 1997, a re-survey using satellite technology established its summit (known as Low's Peak) height at 4,095 metres (13,435 ft) above sea level, which is some 6 metres (20 ft) less than the previously thought and hitherto published figure of 4,101 metres (13,455 ft).
Mount Kinabalu includes the Kinabalu montane alpine meadows ecoregion in the montane grasslands and shrublands biome. The mountain and its surroundings are among the most important biological sites in the world, with between 5000 and 6000 species of plants, 326 species of birds, and more than 100 mammalian species identified. Among this rich collection of wildlife are famous species such as the gigantic Rafflesia plants and the orangutan. Mount Kinabalu has been accorded UNESCO World Heritage status.
Low's Peak can be climbed quite easily by a person in good physical condition and there is no need for mountaineering equipment at any point on the main route.Other peaks along the massif, however, require rock climbing skills.

BIOLOGY
Significantly, Mount Kinabalu along with other upland areas of the Crocker Range is well-known worldwide for its tremendous botanical andbiological species biodiversity with plants of Himalayan, Australasian, and Indomalayan origin. A recent botanical survey of the mountain estimated a staggering 5,000 to 6,000 plant species (excluding mosses and liverworts but including ferns),[3][8][9][10][11][12] which is more than all of Europe and North America (excluding tropical regions of Mexico) combined. It is therefore one of the world's most important biological sites.

FLORA
The flora covers the mountain in zones of different types of habitat as one climbs up, beginning with a lowland belt of fig trees andinsectivorous pitcher plants. Then between 2,600 to 3,200 m (8,530 to 10,499 ft) is a layer of short trees such the conifer Dacrydium gibbsiaeand dwarf shrubs, mosses, lichens, liverworts, and ferns. Finally many of the world's richest variety of orchids are found on the high rockier slopes.

Large lower pitcher ofNepenthes rajah
These plants have high levels of endemism (i.e. species which are found only within Kinabalu Park and are not found anywhere else in the world). The orchids are the best-known example with over 800 species including some of the highly-valued Paphiopedilum slipper orchids, but there are also over 600 species offerns (more than the whole of Africa's 500 species) of which 50 are found nowhere else, and the richest collection in the world for the Nepenthes pitcher plants (five of the thirteen are found nowhere else on earth) which reach spectacular proportions (the largest-pitchered in the world being the endemic Nepenthes rajah).The parasitic Rafflesia plant, which has the largest single flower in the world, is also found in Kinabalu (particularly Rafflesia keithii whose flower grows to 94 centimetres (37 in) in diameter),though it should be noted that blooms of the flower are rare and difficult to find. Meanwhile another Rafflesia species, Rafflesia tengku-adlinii, can be found on the neighbouring Mount Trus Madi and the nearby Maliau Basin.

Its incredible biodiversity in plant life is due to a combination of several unique factors: its setting in one of the richest plant regions of the world (the tropical biogeographical region known as western Malesia which comprises the island of Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and the island of Borneo), the fact that the mountain covers a wide climatic range from near sea level to freezing ground conditions near the summit, the jagged terrain and diversity of rocks and soils, the high levels of rainfall (averaging about 2,700 millimetres (110 in) a year at park HQ), and the climatic instability caused by periods of glaciation and catastrophic droughts which result in evolution and speciation. This diversity is greatest in the lowland regions (consisting of lowland dipterocarp forests, so called because the tree family Dipterocarpaceae are dominant). However, most of Kinabalu's endemic species are found in the mountain forests, particularly on ultramafic soils (i.e. soils which are low in phosphates and high in iron and metals poisonous to many plants; this high toxic content gave rise to the development of distinctive plant species found nowhere else).

FAUNA
The variety of plant life is also habitat for a great variety of birds and animals. There are some 326 species of birds in Kinabalu Park, including the spectacular Rhinoceros Hornbill, Mountain Serpent-eagle, Dulit Frogmouth, Eyebrowed Jungle Flycatcher, and Bare-headed Laughingthrush. Twenty-four birds are mainly found on the mountain and one, the Bornean Spiderhunter, is a pure endemic. The mountain is home to some 100 mammalian species mostly living high in the trees, including one of the four great apes, the orangutan (though sightings of these are uncommon; estimates of its numbers in the park range from 25 to 120). Other mammals include three kinds of deer, the Malayan Weasel (Mustela nudipes), Oriental Small-clawed Otter (Aonyx cinerea), and Leopard Cat (Felis bengalensis). Endemic mammals include the Black Shrew (Suncus ater) and Bornean Ferret-badger (Melogale everetti).
Endemic annelids number less than a dozen known species but include the Kinabalu giant red leech that preys on various earthworms, including theKinabalu giant earthworm.

GEOLOGY
Mount Kinabalu is essentially a massive pluton formed from granodiorite which is intrusive into sedimentary and ultrabasic rocks, and forms the central part, or core, of the Kinabalu massif. The granodiorite is intrusive into strongly folded strata, probably of Eocene to Miocene age, and associated ultrabasic and basic igneous rocks. It was pushed up from the earth's crust as molten rock millions of years ago. In geological terms, it is a very young mountain as the granodiorite cooled and hardened only about 10 million years ago. The present landform is considered to be a mid-Pliocene peneplain, arched and deeply dissected, through which the Kinabalu granodiorite body has risen in isostatic adjustment. It is still pushing up at the rate of 5 mm per annum. During the Pleistocene Epoch of about 100,000 years ago, the massive mountain was covered by huge sheets of ice and glaciers which flowed down its slopes, scouring its surface in the process and creating the 1,800-metre (5,900 ft) deep Low's Gully (named after Hugh Low) on its north side. Its granite composition and the glacial formative processes are readily apparent when viewing its craggy rocky peaks.

CLIMBING ROUTE
Climbers must be accompanied by accredited guides at all times due to national park regulations. There are two main starting points for the climb: the Timpohon Gate (located 5.5 km from Kinabalu Park Headquarters, at an altitude of 1,866 metres (6,122 ft)),[19] and the Mesilau Nature Resort. The latter starting point is slightly higher in elevation, but crosses a ridge, adding about two kilometres to the ascent and making the total elevation gain slightly higher. The two trails meet about two kilometres before Laban Rata.

Accommodation is available inside the park or outside near the headquarters. Sabah Parks has privatised Mount Kinabalu activities to an organisation called Sutera Sanctuary Lodges (also known as Sutera Harbour). The mountain may be climbed on a single day trip, or hikers may (usually) stay one night at Laban Rata Resthouse at 3,270 metres (10,730 ft) to complete the climb in 2 days, finishing the ascent and descending on the second day. The majority of climbers begin the ascent on day one of a two-day hike from Timpohon gate at 1,866 metres (6,122 ft), reaching this location either by minibus or by walking, and then walk to Laban Rata. Most people accomplish this part of the climb in 3 to 6 hours. Since there are no roads, the supplies for the Laban Rata Resthouse are carried by porters, who bring up to 35 kilograms of supplies on their backs. Hot food and beverages are available at Laban Rata. Most rooms have no hot water in the bathrooms and whilst the dining area is heated, most rooms are not. The last 2 kilometres (6,600 ft), from the Laban Rata Resthouse at 3,270 metres (10,730 ft) to Low's Peak (summit) at 4,095.2 metres (13,436 ft), takes between 2 and 4 hours. The last part of the climb is on naked granite rock.

Given the high altitude, some people may suffer from altitude sickness and should return immediately to the bottom of the mountain, as breathing and any further movement becomes increasingly difficult.
Low's gully
Low's Gully (named after Hugh Low) is a 1,800-metre (5,900 ft) deep gorge on the north side of Mount Kinabalu, one of the least explored and most inhospitable places on earth. In 1994 two British Army officers were severely criticised after having led a party of 10 adventurers that required extensive rescue efforts from both the RAF and the Malaysian army. Five members of the party were trapped for 16 days and did not eat for five days before being rescued. The breakaway party of five successfully completed the world's first descent of the gully in three days.




There are two stories that led to the main beliefs in the origin of the mountain's name.
The first derivation of the word Kinabalu is extracted from the short form for the Kadazan Dusun word 'Aki Nabalu', meaning "the revered place of the dead".
The second source states that the name "Kinabalu" actually means "Cina Balu" (which would fully mean "A Chinese Widow"). Due to the lingual influence among the Kadazan Dusun of Sabah, the pronunciation for the word "cina" (chee-na) was changed to "Kina" (kee-na).
It was told that a Chinese prince, was cast away to Borneo when his ship sank in the middle of the South China Sea. He was subsequently rescued by the natives from a nearby village. As he recovered, he was slowly accepted as one of the people of the village. Eventually, he fell in love with a local woman, and married her. Years went by, and he started to feel homesick. So he asked permission from his newly-found family to go back to China to visit his parents (the Emperor and Empress of China). To his wife, he promised that as soon as he was done with his family duties in China, he would come back to Borneo to take her and their children back to China.
When he made his return to China, he was given a grand welcome by his family. However, to his dismay, his parents disagreed with him about taking his Bornean wife back to China. Worse, they told him that he was already betrothed to a princess of a neighbouring kingdom. Having no choice (due tohigh respect towards his parents), he obeyed with a heavy heart.
Meanwhile, back in Borneo, his wife grew more and more anxious. Eventually, she decided that she will wait for her husband's ship. However, since the village was situated far away from the coast, she couldn't afford to come to the shore and wait for him daily. Instead she decided to climb to the top of the highest mountain near her village, so that she could have a better view of the ships sailing in the South China Sea. Thus, she was then seen climbing up the mountain at every sunrise, returning only at night to attend to her growing children.
Eventually her efforts took their toll. She fell ill, and died at the top of the cold mountain while waiting for her husband. The spirit of the mountain, having observed her for years, was extremely touched by her loyalty towards her husband. Out of admiration for this woman, the spirit of the mountain turned her into a stone. Her face was made to face the South China Sea, so that she could wait forever for her dear husband's return.
The people in her hometown who heard about this were also gravely touched by this. Thus, they decided to name the mountain "Kinabalu" in remembrance of her. To them, the mountain is a symbol of the everlasting love and loyalty that should be taken as a good example by women.
Local legend among the people of Ranau, a district in Sabah, has it that St. John's Peak was the stone which her body was turned into.

TRADITIONAL WEDDING-MURUT RACE

TRADITIONAL WEDDING-MURUT

If you are invited to a Murut Wedding, you should by no means decline. Especially not if it is not just a simple wedding ‘Malay Style’, but a ‘tina’uh', or ‘bului’.

Both, the tina’uh and the bului are highly traditional affairs, and they are best described as the last handing over of the outstanding dowry that was initially agreed on for the bride. The bului ceremony is even grander than the tina’uh, but this text will content itself to explanations pertaining to the tina’uh of the Tataluan Murut.

A tina’uh can be held two years after a young man has taken a Murut wife, in a ceremony called ‘limpoho’. This was once the official wedding ritual and procedure of the Sepulut and Pensiangan Murut. Often, the young husband won’t be able to pay his dept so quickly. The ‘pulut’ (dowry) for a Murut girl can amount to up to 40,000 Ringgit in heirloom goods and cash, and thus frequently the tina’uh is only held twenty years after the limpoho. Sometimes, the man has taken another one or two wives by then …

The tina’uh is in danger of disappearing, as are so many customs. It is becoming rarer, nowadays, that the parents in law of a young man require the limpoho, which will then automatically call for the tina’uh or bului later. One of the reasons for the disappearance of this custom is that it is very its labour intensive. Murut parties are beyond description, to say the least, and preparations for a fully-grown tina’uh can involve an entire village for more than a month. In our modern times, they are not very practical affairs any more. Our lives are ruled by schedules and duties, to many of which the Murut have now also yielded - in the name of progress. Yet, in remote, rural areas, where people are called poor because wealth and progress is still measured by money and technical advance, limpoho’s are still customary. There, life follows the little disturbed and spiritual age-old rhythm, with its intricate social pattern, that once dominated the entire of Borneo.

When a tina’uh is going to be held in a village is subject to long discussions amongst the village elders. Many aspects have to be considered, amongst others to make sure that everyone summoned will be able to attend. As a general rule, a season of good rice-harvests is likely to be followed by some tina’uh’s. This was the case in 1998. Though vast parts of the country suffered from an exceptionally long draught, in the heart of Sabah, the harvest was extraordinary.

The Date
It was decided that on July 11, 1998, Makinik should pay his final dowry to Korom, the headman of Labang and father of the ‘bride’: Makinik had been married just over 20 years to Sangkina, a daughter Korom had with his first wife. The date for the festivities was settled in a discussion between Korom and all the ‘tuan rumah’ (heads of the individual households) of his longhouse, since the party would involve everybody of the family.

During the discussion all the tuan rumah will determine whom they invite from their family branch for the festivity, and whom they invite as ‘sumaang’: helpers during the party. Then, it will be decided what the invitees are to bring to the tina’uh: being officially invited to a tina’uh is more of a summon than anything else, and involves considerable costs in the first place, and probably a long journey back to the kampung (village). But there are very good reasons for many Murut living and earning their lives in town to take part in the ceremony, even if it temporarily disrupts their programmes. Nowadays, the requests, which can rage from money over gold jewellery to buffaloes, next to the gongs and beads that are compulsory, are put down in written form. They will be sent together with an elaborate ‘buyuung’, an intricate rattan basket. The buyuung is reminiscent of even older traditions, when invitations were not sent in written form. The complex patterns woven into the basket, the quality of the weaving and the rattan chosen were of importance and significance lost in time. Yet, those who receive the basket will still judge the coming event by the designs of the buyuung, and the quality of the rattan used, as well as its weaving textures. The baskets are sent out through a special courier, the ‘angkaunan’, the post-man in Murut language. Next to the requirements in goods, an invitee also gets to know if he has to ‘buka tapai’, and what the price of it is. The custom requires that the first drinker of each tapai-jar pays a certain amount when he ‘opens the tapai’ (buka tapai) to defray the owner of the tapai. Furthermore, above the jars are suspended and for sale strings of beads, fruits, sweets, cigarettes and meat pickle – of course the purchase of it is not quite voluntary. Here again, the invitee is bound by customary regulations, and he has to suspend money (the ‘pamarahan’) for the goods he purchases.
Preparations
Once everybody is invited and able to come, which in a big family clan is not always the case (a new date would have to be agreed on), the tuan rumah will start with the preparations for the party. One to two months before the event, tapai has to be prepared. Immeasurably old and valuable jars, some dating back to the Ming Dynasty (1644 and earlier), will be filled with cooked cassava root (ubi kayu). The yeast added to the cooked tuber will cause its fermentation, and when later water is poured over the mixture in the jar, we get the famous tapai. Some of the jars are so big that it requires up to three ‘karung’ (50kg rice-sacks) of cassava root, or about 45 kg of the potato. These jars will be in the main display, but numerous ‘pemahamis’ have to be prepared, jars with tapai that will replace the big ones once they are finished. Then, fish and wild-pig pickle (tamba no papait / assi) has to be prepared, and for this the men must go hunting; the women have to weave baskets, string beads, and heirloom has to be gathered. The whole is a rather frenetic activity in a usually quiet Murut settlement, requiring the help of everyone, young and old. Furthermore, since usually a multitude of guests is expected, houses might have to be enlarged. Should the house be big enough, the kitchens will have to be extended for sure! In the case of Makinik’s tina’uh, Korom’s seven-door longhouse could well accommodate the expected crowd of roughly 300 adults and as many children. Nevertheless, some relatives who arrived early built a temporary house, quaintly thatched with palm leaves in the absence of more modern building materials.

For a tina’uh, a ‘sangiang’ has to be erected in front of the longhouse, as well as in the gallery, where the tapai is to be served. The sangiang is a peculiar construction serving only one function, if not merely to indicate the intention of holding a tina’uh: to receive the dowry and display it. The wealth and importance of a Murut still depends and is judged on how many sampa (jars), especially old ones, and how many gongs, heirloom beads and belts he can provide to pay for his bride. Of course, in olden times heads taken in battle only would add to the importance of the man, and the ‘tengkorak’ were then also displayed on the sangiang. Now, one is more likely to find a brand new TV set on the sangiang than a fresh, blood-dripping skull. Hopefully…

Curiously, the decoration of the sangiang, which consists of poles of softwood trimmed with wooden shavings (ingkuhun), occur throughout the whole of Borneo, and not only with the Murut!

I was invited to Makinik’s a tina’uh in Labang. As a non-Murut, this did not incur further cost on me than the purchase of some two dozens of chicken. Others accompanying me moaned about the expenses they had, and how difficult their life was, and how bad it was to be a Murut anyway. Against all my efforts to instil some pride in their ancient culture, young men like to complain about the price of a Murut girl. Eventually, taking a wife is cheaper nowadays with the introduction of the Malay style wedding, but that seems to be of little comfort to the men. In the end, this new form of marriage also means less parties. There are always two sides to the medal. Yet, the manifold social pattern that ruled and continues to rule the life of many Murut left them with a barely hidden thrill in anticipation of the tina’uh. Ultimately, this is more than just an exceptionally big party, or entertainment. Decided to learn more about the custom I myself ended up with feverish excitement even before I was on my way to Labang.

It was not the first time I was in this far outpost of civilisation. Upon entering the village I saw immediately that the preparations for the tina’uh were in full swing. Some of the houses had been connected together with covered passages, and there was that unmistakable platform in front of the main longhouse, the sangiang, telling everybody that a tina’uh was going to be held. I was warmly welcomed, despite the hectic activities. Men were cutting and sawing, building and nailing. Others were painting and arranging wooden parangs that would later be for the children, now also busily engaged in the preparations, running errands and carrying barang. Though I have been to Murut weddings and other parties before, and I am somewhat accustomed to the sight of endless rows of jars, a surprise awaited me in the gallery of the longhouse: the seven tuan rumah had placed no less than 29 huge heirloom jars in a splendid arrangement (at that moment I had no idea that there were roughly another 200 pemahamis waiting…). They were, for both, security and traditional reasons, encased in a special construction under the sangiang, in the middle of the house. Korom himself provided five tajau, destined to be opened by as many of his invited relatives. Korom would receive the money for the ‘buka tapai’, and in return not only provide the tapai, but also jeruk (meat pickle), more buyuung for the ‘akilimpor’, the sales of the rattan baskets at the end of the party, and the famous ‘kampung rice’.

Seeing such frenetic activities, and being not exactly a help I kept myself quiet in some corner, occasionally taking some photos. As the invited relatives came in, the sangiang in front of the house started bending under the load of jars and gongs. With each landing of a boat, which was made audible over a long distance by the sounding gongs, more people came in. The boats were loaded to a dangerous level, which seemed to concern nobody except me. Dogs jumped lightly on shore, then the men climbed out and fastened the boat, babies were handed over, then followed jars and gongs, poultry and personal belongings. The grandmothers and grandfathers were the last to leave the longboats, climbing gingerly, but equally full of joy up the steep banks of Labang. Those who arrived by car – usually in tattered old landrovers that somehow still made it over the badly maintained mud-track to Labang – announced their arrival in like manner with gong-beatings.


The Party

The arrival of the guests took place over three days. Everybody took temporary residence in the dewan (community hall) of Labang, where the inhabitants of the different households and the sumaang in Korom’s longhouse served lunch. A minor drinking party in anticipation of the big feast started impromptu on the verandah of the dewan. When the sun set on the third day, the last of the invited arrived, and soon everybody changed into traditional outfit: the ladies donned their elaborately beaded black dresses, and wore ancient carnelian tiaras. The men put on equally colourful shirts but instead of the avu’, the loincloth, they wore less traditional but more decent (or so they were told) trousers, also studded with innumerable beads. We all waited in great excitement when Korom finally proceeded to the opening of the tina’uh. Standing at the bottom of the sangiang, he officially opened the ceremony with an ancient ‘haiang’, a head-hunter’s sword, with which he sliced a section of bamboo filled with blessed water. Then, in a speech addressing the long departed he told us of the importance of honouring traditions. The father of Sangkina did a similar speech, and also cut a bamboo section containing blessed water. It was only now that everybody was allowed up the sangiang, and under the clamour of countless gongs we could inspect the dowry closer. Makinik and Sangkina were sitting on a dais, receiving the wishes of everybody. It was now that we got a first taste of tapai. For this special occasion the Murut here make ‘linahas’, a sweetish and not too strong wine made from rice, instead of cassava tuber. Now, the gong-players went seven times around the berian on the sangiang. Then they proceeded to the house where by now everybody had taken quarter. Here again, the players went seven times around the sangiang, hidden behind many lengths of cloth. I found myself having suddenly a heavy gong hanging from my shoulders, and when I protested that I did not know how to play it I was simply instructed to beat it. I did my best to hammer more or less in the general rhythm of the frenetic crowd, to frighten away any evil intended spirit. I am sure it did have its desired effect! During the chaos, the ‘antalan’ ensued: the bringing of the berian into the house for assessment by the families. All of a sudden, the gongs and the clamour stopped. Expectation was high and tense in the air. In the dim light of the kerosene lamps shiny faces and gleaming eyes were fixed upon the sangiang. Finally, it was unveiled, and the moment was magic, the silence supreme. The overwhelming feelings that very moment were palpable, and I felt myself like a little boy back in Europe, on Christmas Eve, when we were at last allowed to see the mystically lit Christmas tree. But no sooner the jars were revealed, the silence was over and everybody talked at once. The display was appreciated and judged, and for the prestige of the house this is a crucial moment. There better be no fault-pas, or mistake in the display, or else the makers would have to pay hefty fines. But it was perfect, and somehow each man found the jar he was supposed to open. The buka tapai fee was paid, and soon men were happily slurping away tapai. The next few days would diffuse in a timeless merry making, in a happiness and carelessness that to experience is a privilege. In our hectic world I have the feeling that not even Christmas provides us with a term long enough to indulge in this perfect and innocent ‘laissez vivre’. We were drinking, and eating, sleeping, and drinking again. We were having fun in the water, we paddled up the river, we joked and teased, played and laughed, and time seemed to stop for the very sake of the feast. Even those who worked hardest during the celebration enjoyed themselves, rewarded for their enormous efforts by the tremendous success of the tina’uh. Buffaloes were slaughtered, and the ladies ensued in long discussions over the arrangement of beads in the ‘bobok’, which determined the number of buffaloes to kill. Chicken followed each other in rapid succession into the cooking pot, and the families of the tuan rumah, and their sumaang were busy to provide the drinkers, who followed each other in equal rapid succession, with hot soup and pickled meat and fish.

During eating hours, long rows of food would be displayed from one end to the other of the longhouse, and then be distributed to the respective families. During the short sleeping hours, the whole space would be taken up by bodies lying criss-cross over the floor, more or less grouped by families. At any time, walking through the longhouse gallery one had to be careful not to step on either food, or people…

The party lasted five days and four nights. When the participants went on their long journey home, their initial expenses had been rewarded manifold. Karung’s of the much coveted Murut hill rice went with them to Keningau, or even as far as Kota Kinabalu, together with loads of pickled meat of wild boar and fish, all items that the families would never be able to produce, not to talk of purchase in the cities. And besides being very much appreciated as foods, the pickle and rice maybe used in another ceremony. Thus, even in this time of transition, when only too little value is given to old ceremonies and knowledge, this age-old institution of the traditional wedding procedure of the Murut has found a place in our society. An old and not at all odd custom with new meanings, surviving in modern times because of its practical value.

TRADITIONAL WEDDING-KADAZAN DUSUN

TRADITIONAL WEDDING-KADAZAN DUSUN

Not so long ago, the Kadazans arranged marriages, and weddings were a simple affair. Gundohing Dousia, the present Keeper of Skulls and 6th direct descendant of Monsopiad remembers well the olden times. To us ‘modernised’ citizens, an arranged marriage is maybe the most curious, and perhaps the least understood aspect of the life of so many peoples around the world. Concerning the Kadazans, Dousia explains that “in the olden days, the children had great respect towards their parents, so they would accept their choice. More, they did not have the money, or the dowry required to get married. They were completely dependent on their parents. If someone wished to get married to the partner of his choice, but his parents would not approve, how was he to come up with required dowry?” Thus, the preliminaries to a Kadazan wedding always started with the parents of a young man visiting the family of a prospective bride. The father of the young man would open the talks along these lines: “I have a strong and good son who needs a wife, and I see that you have nice daughters. I would like you to marry one of your daughters to my son.” The parents of the girl were then left to consider. They might visit the family proposing to get a better picture of their future son-in-law, and, more importantly, they would see if the family was able to come up with the required nopung, the dowry (literally: the [items] sent).

When the family of the daughter shows that they are agreeable to a union, the parents of the young man pay them a second visit and the engagement is arranged. Both parties agree to the bride price, which customarily consists of 15 buffaloes, 10 ancient brass canons, 3 large, Chinese jars and one brass gong. The parents of the future bride will first ask for a higher price, and bargaining is expected. As a matter of fact, if the proposed dowry is accepted without negotiations, the family of the young man might be considered snob; and if there is too much bargaining, the family of the bride-to-be might start worrying about payment! When both parties agree on the nopung, they need to agree on the ‘terms of payment’, and it can be agreed that the dowry is paid in instalments over a certain period of time, or that some of the items are substituted with money. “Traditionally,” Dousia explains, “a buffalo was counted ten Ringgits, and a canon 15 Ringgits. But that was a long time ago,” he muses, “nowadays, ten Ringgits are at least 500! And while jars, buffaloes and canons can be substituted with money, at least two buffaloes must not be converted into cash money; they are needed for the wedding feast,” he added.

Once the nopung is agreed upon and all terms of payment settled, a date for the actual wedding day is chosen. It must be an auspicious day, whereby the moon calendar plays an important role. Any month is good for a wedding, except March when the cemeteries are being cleaned and ancestors remembered, and the fasting month of the Malays. The Kadazans have always been in contact with the Malay populations along the coast, and being friends, they would not suffer them to be excluded them from the weddings of their children. When all the details for the wedding are settled, from bride price to date, food will be served. In the evening the parents of the man go home, and on their journey they will look out for omens. If the either of the parents falls ill right after eating, or a branch falls from a tree, amongst others, the date for the wedding has to be cancelled. New negotiations have to be entered to schedule a fresh date for an auspicious wedding day.

If no bad omens are encountered, and the parents reach home without further incident, the wedding is usually held about a month after the engagement. In most cases, neither bride nor groom know each other more than from meeting in the market, or in the fields working, if at all.

About a week before the wedding, two friends or relatives of the families go around and invite people to the nuptials. The wedding day starts early in the morning in the house of the groom where all friends and relatives gather. They have a late ‘breakfast’, and generally around midday they set out, with the groom in his best fineries and the nopung in their middle, for the house of the bride. More often than not, the parents of the groom will stay in their house. When the congregation approaches the house of the bride, joyous Sumazau beats will be sound on ancient gongs. The groom and his entourage enter the house of the bride, presenting the nopung. Everyone is served rice and drinks before the young husband can take his bride to his parents’ home. This time, the parents of the bride might stay at their home, and not join the wedding ceremony proper, held at the young man’s house.

When the congregation arrives at the house of the groom, gongs are sounded again, inviting everybody who hears them to witness the union. Before the wedding couple enters the house, a village elder, often a Bobohizan, a ritual specialist, asks the bride and groom to put one foot on a round stone at the bottom of the staircase. While the couple is standing there, siung, conical hats are held above the man and the lady. Both the stone and the hat are symbols for their marriage: it shall be strong and long-lasting, like stone, while the hats at a time purify them from all evil and shield evil that might be around on the wedding day. Only after this short ceremony, during which the ritual specialist speaks a few Kadazan charms, the couple and the congregation can enter the house.

The wedding couple is seated in the centre of the house, the bride to the left of the groom, and again rice will be served. This time, the rice must be served from a kuali, or a wok, in order that there will be always enough rice for the couple to eat. Bride and groom are given a ball of rice each, which they have to feed each other. The ball of rice symbolises that the two young people are of different blood, which is now to be unified. Only after this symbolic unification can the congregation be served from the communal kuali. Bride and groom are given a chicken drumstick, as the groom cannot eat from the buffaloes slaughtered for the feast. It would be improper for the groom to eat from his own present to the bride’s family! Moreover, if he should eat from the buffaloes, the couple might not be able to have children.

It is now time for eating. Relatives of both partners have joined in the preparations of the feast, because many guest are expected, the house is open to all. The guest are not required to bring any presents, but they must join the Sumazau dancing and general merry making, which includes drinking – during a wedding, rice-wine flows liberally… Before nightfall, the freshly married couple heads back to the house of the bride’s parents where a room has been prepared for them. The custom requires that the newlyweds spend their first night with the parents-in-law of the groom. There are many taboos to be observed on this first night. The couple must not bathe for they would become vulnerable to evil-intended attacks, and wash away all the good luck the visitors brought! Equally, the couple is not allowed wander outside, not even to set foot on soil for that first night; or the children born to the couple would be ill with skin diseases or walk away from home.

The next day, the young husband takes his bride to his parents’ home, where they will stay until the young man has built his own house for him and his wife. Traditionally three months after the wedding the young man visits his parents-in-law, bringing with him a pig. It will be slaughtered ceremonially and eaten by the whole family, signifying that they are from now on blood-relatives.

Much has changed for the Kadazans since colonial rule in Sabah has come to an end. The most significant change is probably in that the man – or the lady – chooses his or her own partner. To this, Dousia replies: “Well, nowadays the young people have money. If the parents do not agree to the partner chosen, the children will ask: ‘but who pays my bride-price anyway…?’”

Nowadays, weddings usually last two days, and generally they are held on Saturdays and Sundays. Auspicious dates are chosen according to the Chinese Calendar, and the wedding ceremony is held in church. But it is interesting to note that wedding feasts always start off at the bride’s place on Saturday. Only on Sunday does everyone move to the groom’s house. The concept and spirit of the open house where everybody can join the feast still prevails, but rarely will one find that bride and groom wear their Kadazan attire. But the nopung, far from being abolished, is still a very important factor. As a matter of fact, for a young lady of good family and with higher education the parents might ask for such an exorbitant nopung that many a young man will have to abandon his hopes. Who said the Kadazan parents have no power over their children any more.


The couple arriving at the house of the bride


The blessing by a ritual specialist, the bobohizan of the village


After the short ceremony the party starts!


Display of an array of traditional dowry requirements


Water buffaloes still play an important role in to-days

TRADITIONAL FOOD SABAH-BOSOU

BOSOU



The Traditional food for Kadazan, Dusun and Murut in Sabah.

Bosou is a signature dish for Kadazan Dusun. Bosou-making is simple, yet need practices for a perfection. Typical ingredients are including raw freshwater fish, pangi (Malay – kepayang, Scientific name – Pangium edule), salt, steamed rice and some other optional ingredients such as jackfruits, young pineapple fruits, tuhau, etc.

The making of bosou is very simple. First, all the ingredients are mixed thoroughly. Salt is usually added in excess to prolong the shelf life of the bosou. If warm rice is to be used, the mixture is cooled to room temperature before storing. Storing of bosou usually takes in a tight-closed container.

The traditional container for the bosou is the bottle-shaped gourd which is sealed with some bees-wax. Other traditional container includes kakanan. But now the traditional containers are replaced with tupperwares, glass bottles etc. Storing of bosou usually takes about five to seven days before it is can be eaten. Due to it’s strong smell and compost-like nature, it is advised to tight-close the container to avoid flies to take ‘control’ of the bosou and also to avoid growth of fungi.

Bosou can be eaten raw or cooked. Cooking is usually done to get rid of the smell and to enhance the taste of the bosou. Some may add dried onions, chillies and other ingredients during the cooking.
It’s always a pleasure to have bosou as a side dish.

TRADITIONAL FOOD SABAH-BAMBANGAN

Bambangan


Bambangan Orange

Another dishes from Sabah which has very unique flavour is "Bambangan". The iban people in Sarawak called it - " mawang".

Bambangan is a type of wild mango with brown skin and a somewhat pungent smell. This is not eaten fresh as a fruit but made into a pickle or cooked with fish for a distinctive flavour. Nevertheless, some iban people like to eat it as fruit.

Bambangan is one of the kadazan dusun people's choices for a sour tang to their food. sometimes, the mango is fried with onion and chilli and served as a side-dish or sambal. The Bambangan also can mixed with grated seeds to make the flavour more delicious!

You can get your Bambangan at "tamu" markets or street markets in Sabah.don't miss this speciality when you come to Sabah!

DALING-DALING DANCE-SEMPORNA RACE

DALING-DALING DANCE



'Mai daling-daling" ...

Mai daling-daling samai daling-daling,

Mai daling-daling samai daling-daling,

Mai daling-daling samai daling-daling.


The dancers dance softly with the lyrics of the traditional song, Daling-daling song. This was a traditional dance for Bajau native, which is one of the peculiarities of Malaysia’s culture. I once had chance to watch this unique traditional dance in my school, during the ‘school day award’ for the excellent student and I was stunned by the way the dancer dance with their body look so gracefully with the music.

Malaysian daling-daling dance was actually a traditional dance that brought by the Suluks from Mindanao archipelago, Phillipines. In other meaning, daling-dalingdance was not purely originated from Bajau native in the niche of Sabah parts, Semporna district. Due to the intermingling relationship between the Bajau and Suluk in the previous lifetime, daling-daling dance nowadays are well-known as the Bajau native’s heritage dance especially for the Bajau community in Semporna.

If we listen to the first and the most words in the song’s lyric, the phrase ‘daling-daling’ were frequently repeated throughout the song. The phrase ‘daling’ was influenced from the English word, ‘darling’ which meant ‘the love one’.




Previously, the dance is usually performed to entertain guests in various bajau traditional occasions for instance, wedding ceremony and their social occasion. But, nowadays this had been widely performed in many other occasions for example, in school program where the student taught to learned the daling-daling dance by the professional one or during a cultural festival.

This attractive dance, daling-daling is performed by pairs of men and women. It has its own theme which symbolize and tells a story to the spectators of it. During the dance, few guards will carry poles of bamboos with a beautiful queen sitting on it and her beauty is admired by everyone. Most of the women dancers will wear a thorn-shaped finger’s cover that make their fingers look sharp and long.There are certain of special movements during the dance, a distinct backward-wave finger movements by women. Apart from these, there is also Spanish influence in this dance (since Phillipine had once been living under Spanish rule before) where they stamping and clapping while dancing. Besides, there are some movement which seldomly perform in Sabah where the dancers nimbly jumping while the bamboos are clapped. This might happen because some are still had great influence from the very traditional version one had more into the suluks archipelagos.

The singer will be in a group of four or more or a soloist singing a song about love, life any many more accompanied by music instruments such the violin, viola and the traditional wooden xylophone also known as ‘Gabang’.

Daling-daling dance is a precious heritage that should be preserved from now and onwards. It is vital for us work hand in hand to preserve it and pass this cultural dance from generation to generation, hence, our toddlers in next generation can enjoy and learn the beauty of it, and the important thing is they will not lose from their own cultural identity.

KAAMATAN FESTIVAL-SABAH EVENTS

Kaamatan Festival

THE KAAMATAN IS NOT ONLY A SYMBOL OF THANKSGIVING FOR THE PADDY HARVEST BUT ALSO ACT AS A CONTRIBUTOR IN HELPING THE GOVERNMENT TO REALISE ITS ECONOMIC VISION. IT ALSO SERVE TO PROMOTE NATIONAL UNITY AND INTEGRATION.


Kaamatan Festival is celebrated annually in Sabah and its focus is mainly on handicrafts, agriculture and tourism.

In every Kaamatan celebration, the people would not only display their agricultural products but also their handicrafts and others. Mainly cultural performance and good times for everyone.

In fact we even have people from all over the world who gather in our State as visitors and tourists to celebrate Kaamatan in Sabah.

This event would attract the visitors who enjoyed the activity and food presented, and would return at another time as well some would bring in other friends or families to join in. This is good for the economy mainly tourism and for Sabah's cultural image.

The Sugandoi Kaamatan festival itself in Sabah is also a platform to strengthen unity among the various people and ethnic groups.

Here, people would have been able to identify talented singers, especially those who sang Kadazan or Dusun songs in Sabah. During the competition as well, there would be attractive prizes and at most times the lucky draw for the viewers.



One of the highlight event in Kaamatan Festival is the Unduk Ngadau Kaamatan, which is a beauty pageant contest held during the Kaamatan cultural event in Sabah, Malaysia. The title comes from the ethnic word Runduk Tadau which means 'the girl crowned by the sunlight'.

Unduk Ngadau is one of the most recognizable cultural events in Sabah and the beauty pageant is unique to the state.

Every year young ladies geared up to win the state most beautiful crowned "Unduk Ngadau" along with other prizes for all the other top ten contenders as well.